Author: Mardiana Rusli (Chair of the Presidium of the Indonesian Democracy Network (JaDi) South Sulawesi, Commissioner of the South Sulawesi Provincial KPU for the 2013–2018 period, participant of She Leads Indonesia 2021). Published in Fajar Newspaper, October 5, 2021.
The trajectory of women’s political participation has experienced both progress and setbacks. In terms of involvement in politics, women still face ongoing challenges in strengthening their presence and position in the public sphere. Data on women’s representation in legislative bodies and election management institutions shows a fluctuating trend.
Research data from the Center for Political Studies (Puskapol) at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia, presented during the virtual She Leads Indonesia 2021 event on September 27–30, 2021, shows that in the national parliament (DPR RI), women’s representation was 11 percent of 550 seats in 2004, 18 percent of 560 seats in 2009, 17 percent of 560 seats in 2014, and 20 percent of 575 seats in 2019. The gender gap is even more pronounced within election management bodies. During the 2012–2017 period at the national election commission (KPU RI), six of the seven commissioners were men and only one was a woman. At the Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu RI), four of the five commissioners were men and one was a woman. In the following period, 2017–2022, the number of women did not increase, remaining at just one commissioner.
The most notable period for women’s participation in election management bodies occurred between 2007 and 2012. During this time, three out of seven KPU commissioners were women, and three out of five Bawaslu commissioners were women.
According to Puskapol LPPSP FISIP UI Director Aditya Perdana and facilitator Wahidah Suaib, the gap in women’s political representation is closely linked to the political party system, the electoral system, institutional characteristics, gender perspectives within competitive spaces, legal frameworks that are not yet gender-just, and the managerial capacity needed for women to prepare themselves to compete in the public sphere.
From the discussions, the author concludes that the situation is shaped by two interrelated factors: the trap of party oligarchy and the lack of equality within the arena of political competition.
The Trap of Party Oligarchy
Opportunities for women’s involvement in political party structures begin with the extent to which electoral laws and political party laws support gender representation. Political parties are required to ensure at least 30 percent representation of women, as stipulated in their internal statutes. In an open proportional electoral system, the zipper system requires that at least one out of every three legislative candidates be a woman.
In practice, however, this requirement is often treated as a mere administrative formality, fulfilled only ahead of elections. Women are frequently included just to meet the 30 percent quota in a given electoral district. This can lead to the misuse of women’s names within party structures and candidate lists without their consent. Women may also be disadvantaged by last-minute shifts to unfamiliar electoral districts, forcing them to rebuild their support base from scratch.
During campaign periods, party support and structural dynamics further limit women’s visibility in the public sphere. Female candidates often receive less exposure compared to their male counterparts, reducing their appeal among voters. Additionally, women tend to face greater constraints in accessing financial resources for campaign activities, especially in the absence of strict limits on campaign spending and vote-buying practices.
Limited Equality in the Competitive Arena
Although affirmative action policies for women in politics have improved over time, inequality persists. The 30 percent quota can unintentionally narrow the space for competition among women, creating intense rivalry among a limited pool of candidates and restricting opportunities for others. According to the author, this policy can become counterproductive, as women might have stronger chances if the competitive space were more open and equitable.
As a result, some regional election bodies still lack female commissioners. Selection committees often fail to apply a gender-sensitive perspective, reflecting broader issues in recruitment and interest in election management roles.
The Spirit of Regeneration and Political Will
These challenges should serve as critical reflections. Women play not only a role as educators but also as drivers of sustainable generational change. Today, institutional consolidation within women’s movements continues to gain momentum. Efforts toward regeneration are being carried out through three main approaches: improving individual capacity among women, strengthening institutional training for future women leaders in election management as facilitated by Puskapol UI, and enhancing political will to support affirmative representation in parliament through legislative frameworks that reinforce women’s political rights.
